What Qualities do you Look for in a Friend

I know a trusty friend when I see one. My friend could be anyone from a 3 year old to an old person; a school going or maybe a housewife, it could also be someone who is retired living just round the next corner of our street, and giving a friendly smile when I pass by, it could be anyone or might just be a waving friend who is on his way to work, while leaving their footprints on peoples heart, and their footsteps echoing down the dusky lane†¦.As you might not expect this, but the first thing I would search for in a friend is a rib-tickling nature, one who does not feel bad for anything, it is not only valuable for your problems but you also need someone to make fun with. Everyone needs to laugh and some humour is necessary in a friendship, getting a friend is not a dime a dozen, next I would want my friend to be a good listener and an entertaining talker, I can’t have a friend who doesn’t listen to me or is mum’s the word, I wouldn't like to go to a movie or hangout with someone like that.It’s not that I want someone who is a picture perfect person but someone who would love to do a mistake togather and still keep smiling and laughing, my friend should also be an honest person, and tell me the truth whether it’s about me or someone else, because that’s what real friends do, A real friend will always tell the truth no matter what! It’s not important that my friend should be the most popular in school or the most fashionable or the brainy one but also not a fuddy-duddy one too, or not someone who would hit the books too often, equally I would also want my friend to be respectful, caring and a jolly person.However, everyone has different opinions and it is important that my friend shows enough respect for my point of view, as well as myself giving them enough respect, some factors like these if not maintained in a friendship can pull the plug, My friend should also not be like Queer the pitch sort of person. Lastly my friend would be someone who is friendly, trustworthy, and not a betrayer or someone who would want the whole nine yards, but someone with whom I could say â€Å"Variety is the spice of life†, the day when I’ll get such a friend will be the day when the X marks the spot.

Use a Diary System

Explain the purpose of using a diary systemThe purpose of using diary system is:†¢to be organized †¢remember about meetings and important task to do †¢keeping within the time frame †¢cooperation with colleague †¢ control deadline and setting newDescribe different types of diary systems (for example paper, electronic etc) My diary system:Electronic – outlook diary system where all meeting, task can be set up, amend and send by mail to everybody, easy to control by set up reminder, showing automatically if people with who we want meet are available in specific time.Sticky notes – quick and easy to record important information for example: task to do for today, kept on the desk visible.Wall board – share for days, notes with information are sticky for adequate day and throw away as soon as been completed. Always available for all relevant people if I’m not in the office.Describe the purpose of obtaining relevant information about requ ested diary entries and changes. The purpose of obtaining relevant information about diary entries and changes is so that all relevant people are aware of what the meeting/appointment is, and where it is. So they are able to ensure that they are available and in the correct place at the correct time. You also have to make sure that any requested changes do not have a knock on effect.Describe the types of information needed for diary entriesThe type of information required would be dates and times for the entry also any information relating to the entry, for example, if it is for a meeting  the place, what it is about and request of confirmation people attending. If it was a deadline for a task it is useful to have notes about what needs to have been done so this can be checked off.Explain how to prioritise requestsIt is best to priorities requests in chronological order so that the most recent are done first and then if there are any immediate changes the relevant people can be no tified in time. Explain the purpose of prioritising requestsExplain the purpose of trying to balance the needs of all those involved The purpose of trying to balance is necessary to complied all task in time frame suitable for all involved.Explain the purpose of communicating changes to those affected It would be a futile waste of others time and resources if they proceeded with a project that was now defunct because you had not advised them this was no longer an operating practice.It is good practice and beneficial to all if you are all singing from the same song sheet and all know the correct procedures and why such procedures are in place.Explain the purpose of keeping a diary system up to date†¢keep me up date and with all important appointment †¢help me control the time frame †¢can be helpful to set up deadline for a task †¢work out which task need to be completed before other can be startedDescribe the different types of problems that may occur when new req uests are made and solutions to these problems. Late delivery of product – the most important things is for who it is?†¢For factory – try to get delivery ASAP and keep an eye of everything what is coming to do not miss delivery what we waiting for. Inform reception about this in case that delivery will come first there then inform everybody what waiting asap to avoid possible delays  in production what also can affect despatch and transport work.†¢For reload – regular or just single transport then we have to find out how big is delay and that transport can wait or other need to be organize.Explain the purpose of following security and confidentiality procedures when using a diary system To avoid provide information to nobody that shouldn’t receive what can have bad effects. To help with it I need:†¢ Not allow computer screens to be seen by unauthorized people†¢ Ensure people can't see confidential documents that aren't meant for them †¢ Log off your computer if it is unattended†¢ Use computer passNow you need to give me some examples of when you have done the following, please try and use print screens of your work to show that you have done these:Show me how you have made diary entries accurately and clearly and explain how you obtained the information to make diary entries (for example was this from a job sheet, or did you receive a phone call advising of the change etc)†¢By entering all received information – phone calls, emails, †¢By receiving appointment alerts †¢printing and sticky to the boardInformation for all:Information just for me:How do you keep the diary up to date and store it securely? (for example if you are using an electronic system this could be by having to use passwords etc for security and data protection reasons) †¢recording all information straight away in calendar instead of recording on paper what is easy to lost †¢ print or write received info rmation†¢removing or delete as soon as been completed

A Theoretical Perspective on Dowry Deaths in India

jectRESEARCH METHODLOGY Area: Rights of women in India Topic: A Theoretical Perspective on Dowry Deaths in India Objectives: a) To understand the concept of dowry as has originated and evolved in India. b) To conceptualize modern day consequences of dowry system. c) To refer to various laws in India and find out reasons for ineffectuality. d) To analyze the trend lay down in this regard by way of various judicial decisions. e) To critically analyze the reasons for divergence between the object of law with regard to dowry death and the practice evolved by judicial precedents. Research questions: a) What is dowry? b) How has the concept of dowry evolved in India? c) What are the various sections of the statutes applicable to the crime of dowry death? d) What are the drawbacks with respect to judicial intervention in the cases of dowry deaths? e) What can be done by the responsible authorities and by the society at large to prevent the occurrence of dowry deaths? Research tools: The research of this project was carried out with the help of internet and the books available in the library of N. L. U. so the sources are secondary in nature. Case study method has been used to study the concept of dowry death in practicality. In the whole project, uniform footnoting style is adopted in conformity with National Law University. Chapterization: 1) Introduction 2) Evolution of dowry system in India 3) Modern Day Consequences 4) Illegality of Practice: India’s Positive Laws 5) The Ineffectuality of the Dowry Prohibition Act 6) Contemporary Problems of the Modern Dowry System 7) Case study 8) Suggestions ) Conclusion Chapter 1 INTRODUCTION In modern Indian political discourse the custom of dowry is often represented as the cause of serious social problems, including the neglect of daughters, sex-selective abortion, female infanticide, and the harassment, abuse, and murder of brides. Attempts to deal with these problems through legislative prohibition of dowry, however, have resulted in virtually no diminution of either dowry or violence against women. [1] Marriages are made i n heaven, is an adage. A bride leaves the parental home for the matrimonial home, leaving behind sweet memories therewith a hope that she will see a new world full of love in her groom's house. She leaves behind not only her memories, but also her surname, gotra and maidenhood. She expects not only to be a daughter in law, but a daughter in fact. Alas! The alarming rise in the number of cases involving harassment to the newly wed girls for dowry shatters the dreams. In-laws are characterized to be outlaws for perpetrating a terrorism which destroys matrimonial home. The terrorist is dowry, and it is spreading tentacles in every possible direction. [2] Imagine the plight of a young woman, newly wed and thrust into an unfamiliar situation. She is surrounded by those she has only just met, her new husband and his family. They regard her as a means to an end – she is little more than a device by which to enrich them. She finds herself emotionally and physically harassed day and night because her parents cannot meet all of her in-laws’ dowry demands. Her parents have already exhausted much of their life savings and have little left to give. But because she is a dutiful wife, a good daughter, an obedient woman, she stays at her in-laws, resigned to her fate. [3] Then, one evening, while she is working in the kitchen, she feels a terrible chill. Someone has doused her with a pail of kerosene and another is about to throw a burning match. Can she save herself by taking off her clothes? No. When doused with kerosene or gasoline, a human being’s first feeling is sharp cold. Instantaneously, aided by one’s own body heat, the kerosene evaporates by drawing out the young wife’s warmth. The match is thrown. She bursts into a ball of flames. A living human being, with a warm body, full of love, hope, and trust towards what should have been a new and exciting phase in her life – a life terminated in its prime – all for a motor car, a scooter, a bicycle, a refrigerator, or a television. This is the shocking reality of the contemporary dowry marriage in India and the frightening experience faced by many young women. Each year, thousands of these young women are murdered, through what has been dubbed â€Å"bride-burnings†,[4] by husbands and in-laws seeking increased dowry demands. While the practice of dowry is commonly perceived by the international community as one of Indian custom and culture, in its current form it is more accurately described as a social phenomenon believed to bestow a greater social status upon the recipient. Originally designed to be a gift given out of affection at the time of a daughter’s marriage, today the dowry system has turned into a perverted version of an ancient and respected custom. It has now become an obligatory transaction that places a heavy impact on a family’s financial and social status and a young wife’s welfare. In the last four decades, dowry negotiations between the families of brides and grooms have escalated into continuing demands even after the agreed-upon amount is given. Even more disquieting are the increasing numbers and the ways in which young wives are killed when their husbands and in-laws are dissatisfied with the amount of dowry given or when additional demands are not met. Frequently, as the violence and abuse escalates, if the young wife is not murdered she is driven to commit suicide. In this project, I will discuss about the historical perspective of dowry as well as the modern evolution of this system. Thereafter is a reference to its evolution and its consequences. It takes the position that the modern practice of dowry is actually the product of economic and socio-cultural processes and modern-day dowry is a relatively recent transformation into a means of extortion by the groom and his family, having no religious justification. Subsequently, this paper analyzes relevant Indian positive laws currently in place to prevent dowry deaths while the next part examines the reasons behind the unenforceability behind these laws. A chapter quantifies the phenomenon of dowry death and highlights the contemporary statistics. Chapter 2 A HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE ON THE ORIGINS OF DOWRY The definition of â€Å"dowry† is commonly understood to mean the property that a bride brings with her at the time of marriage. [5]This custom, which traditionally was the voluntary giving of gifts by the bride’s father to his daughter, his son-in-law, and sometimes his daughter’s in-laws at the time of marriage, has been in practice since ancient times in India. [6]However, like many other customs, it has evolved over the course of centuries. Because a Hindu marriage is a sanskara or sacrament, the tenth ordained by the sacred scriptures of the Hindus, [7]an orthodox Hindu must marry. The Hindu scriptures recognized eight forms of marriage, four approved and four unapproved. The two leading forms of marriage were the Brahma and Asura forms. In the most common of the approved forms, the Brahma[8] form, the bridegroom is invited and the bride is given to him as a gift by her father. It was within this form of marriage that the tradition of giving gifts prevailed and the father would give his daughter as many gifts as he could afford. [9] Likewise, of the unapproved, the most common was the Asura[10] form which meant an outright purchase of the bride. Accordingly, all marriages in which the bride was given without receiving any kind of consideration from the bridegroom came to be called Brahma, and where any payment was made, came to be known as Asura. [11] The validity of the Brahma form of marriage is due largely to its ancient religious significance. In comparison, the Asura form of marriage was eventually condemned because it was in contrast to Hindu religious ideas . An approved marriage among Hindus has always been considered a kanyadan,[12] an ideological principle, to which dowry, or gift-giving as it was originally intended, was inextricably linked. A customary nuptial, kanyadan reflects the idea of the gift of a virgin daughter into marriage to the groom and his family. Articulated dowry demands were forbidden under this ideology, as the bride and the â€Å"dowry† were gifts to be freely and voluntarily given by the father of the bride. Combined with the fact that the giving of one’s daughter and her dowry constituted a holy act, dowry was originally intended to be limited to the holiest and highest of the four castes, the Brahmins, the priests of the Hindu caste system. [13] The custom of dowry originated during the Vedic period of 1500-500 B. C. amongst the North Hindu Rajputs. At the time of its origin it was practiced only among the Brahmin caste, and the religious significance arose from the ancient scripts of Manu, a holy text[14] that ordained that dowry should be restricted to the Brahmin caste. Nonetheless, even in the early days, families who were wealthy enough to give gifts to the groom and the bride’s matrimonial family were allowed to do so. [15] These high caste Hindus considered kanyadan as one of the sacred paths to salvation. [16] These gifts could hardly be called dowry within the contemporary meaning of the word as they were gifts freely given after the marriage as signs of affection. Further, there is no account that grooms tried to make fortunes by demanding large amounts of valuable gifts. In those days, if any such request was made, it was rejected and deemed completely unreasonable since the prevailing view was that the groom was taking the bride away and stripping her family of her services. Thus, traditionally dowry was also viewed as a way to demonstrate one’s social status and caste. Even within the Brahmin caste, the giving of dowry demonstrated status and strengthened social ties. Unlike today’s practice, historically dowry rarely enabled individuals to advance up the social and economic ladder. Moreover; these gifts were limited to those families who could freely give them and whose socio-economic status permitted it. B. Traditional Dowry Customs Historically dowry, or the act of kanyadan, had a ritual significance in controlling the marriage process and limiting the scope and scale of gift giving. When a woman married in India she was valued as the moral force of the family. Thus, the meaning behind dowry was fundamentally religious and symbolic, and the ritual Brahmin practice of kanyadan gave the bride power and status; accordingly, both she and her dowry were considered a sacred gift. This meritorious act of kanyadan consisted of two aspects. Stridhan is the classical notion behind an Indian woman’s marriage wealth. Given directly to the bride, it was meant to be an asset to her in times of adversity and, under Hindu law, was her own property. Dakshina was a gift given out of affection from the family of the bride to the groom and included any continuous gifts made after the marriage. Hence, traditional dowry was formerly confined to specific gifts for specific purposes. Stridhan Literally, the word stridhan means women’s property. 17] Given as a sign of affection and as a symbol of the natal family’s ability to take care of their daughter, this portion of the dowry was intended to equip a woman for her new life. The bride received these gifts, which consisted of mostly movable property such as household possessions, clothing, bedding, furniture, utensils, Literally translated, Stri mean women’s and dhan means property and precious jewe lry, either before or after the marriage. Any gifts given to the bride by friends and other relatives before or after the marriage or at the time of the bridal procession were also considered part of stridhan. The Dharmashastras, an ancient holy text of the Hindus, suggest that stridhan was the bride’s property over which she enjoyed complete control and which would provide her with financial protection in times of adversity. [18] Thus, stridhan’s most critical concept was that the woman had absolute ownership of the property. This implied two important characteristics. First, a woman had full rights as to its disposal and division as it was her absolute property. She was therefore free to sell, give, mortgage, lease, or exchange it as she pleased. [19]Second, upon her death, a woman’s stridhan passed to her own female heirs,[20] i. . usually her daughters. Before the Hindu Succession Act of 1956 (â€Å"Succession Act†), Hindu women were not allowed to inherit immovable property such as land or buildings; they were only allowed to inherit the stridhan of their mothers. [21] Thus, stridhan was meant as a substitute for the non-inclusion of the daughter in the inh eritance process. [22]However, section 14 of the Succession Act now provides that â€Å"any property possessed by a female Hindu is held by her as full owner†¦Ã¢â‚¬ [23]The legislation applied to immovable property in addition to the movable property, acquired through any means. 24]It also decreed that women were entitled to inherit equally along with their brothers, thus allowing them to inherit property from their fathers. [25] 2. Dakshina The Dharamashastras further stipulated that the meritorious act of kanyadan was incomplete until the groom was given a dakshina. In kanyadan, the bride was the gift given to the groom, and a gift or dan has to be accompanied by a subsidiary gift, i. e. dakshina. When a dakshina was given to a Brahmin priest, it was given without any material reciprocation. The priest in turn, blessed the giver and deemed the gift sacred, thereby elevating the religious status of the giver. Thus, the giving of dakshina is based off the religious principle of gift-giving to a Brahmin priest. The dakshina was a nominal gift, usually some gold or cash, that was given purely out of affection directly to the groom. In earlier times, this bequest was voluntary, not compulsory, and the amount or lack of the gift did not create an impediment to the completion of the marriage. Again, the bride’s family gave dakshina only in accordance with their financial ability. Therefore, associated with the religious symbolism of dakshina, traditional dowry also represented a gift of affection from the natal parents to their future son-in-law, consisting of celebrations, gifts, and money, for which they received blessings, status, and perhaps the knowledge of having arranged a secure future for their daughter. Dowry as a traditional concept, then, represented the women’s right to property, which would be transferred to daughters at the time of their marriage as a type of â€Å"pre-mortem† inheritance. Since marriage is a required sacrament, the token dakshina given to the groom, as completion of the act of kanyadan, paved the pathway to salvation for the bride’s family. Originally constituting the inheritance of the bride, dowry, as it is known today, eventually took on the meaning of a gift meant for the couple. This gift, comprised of the stridhan belonging to the wife and the dakshina of the groom, was usually managed by the husband and could later be used by the couple as an inheritance or dowry for their own children. Ideally then, the conjugal estate encompassed the dowry brought by a daughter and the inheritance given to a son at the time of their marriage. Hence, the dowry system as originally intended was meant to provide security to a new couple as they began their new life together. C. Modern Evolution of Dowry It is essential to reiterate that the traditional ideology of the kanyadan marriage was practiced only among the high priestly Brahmin caste, and the wealthy upper castes. Within this kanyadan marriage, stridhan was not part of the dowry as it was given directly to the bride and she could dispose of it as she saw fit. Dakshina symbolized an affectionate portion given to the future son-in-law in accordance with a family’s financial ability. This social transfer of wealth within a cultural framework provided not only the fulfillment of a material obligation of the bride’s family to the bride, but also served as the moral basis for the establishment of a relationship between the two families. [26] The once voluntary affectionate portion of Dakshina is what has transformed into today’s modern dowry. Consequently, dowry marriages are equated with Brahma kanyadan marriages. Nonetheless, not until the middle of the 19th century, did ordinary families became obligated to provide elaborate dowries, the cost of which might ruin a family, or the lack of which might impede the settlement of a their daughter’s marriage. 1. Increase in Prevalence and Resulting Effects of Hypergamy It was at this time that hypergamous marriages came into vogue in some regions, and ompetition for grooms came to include payments in the form of cash, precious metals, and other valuables. [27]Hypergamy refers to the custom of marrying a man from a superior grade or clan with general notion being that a female should wed a superior male, thereby marrying into a higher division, but under no circumstances marrying into a lower one. A major consequence of hypergamy is status asymmetry between the m ale’s side and the female’s side, resulting in the notion that the groom’s family is superior to the bride’s family. Thus the latter improve their status through marriage while the former secure cash, jewelry, and other costly items. Hence, the giving of dowry is integral to a hypergamous marriage and it was in northern India where this ideology was broadly practiced. In contrast, among the South Indian castes, as previously stated, the custom of bride-price was universal. This custom, if anything, resulted in favor of the female’s family. [28] However, because it later came to be condemned as an Asura marriage by the Brahmin law givers, bride-price became unpopular among most of Indian society. 29]The law givers interpreted the asura marriages as involving the sale of the brides and their own form, kanyadan marriages, as involving the gift of the bride. If a bride’s family accepted payment, the element of gratuity that is essential to kanyadan would be destroyed, and consequently the notion that the bride’s family should give but not receive became very popular. [30] The comme rcial aspect of the bride-price transaction was regarded as a taint upon the sacredness of marriage. Thus, kanyadan was preferred because it was free of this commercial element, [31]and the Brahma form of marriage prevailed. Nonetheless, the ideology of the hypergamous kanyadan marriage allows families, by resorting to an attraction of wealth, to obtain desirable bridegrooms from higher classes and thereby elevate their own status. Furthermore, the kanyadan marriage requires the giving of dakshina. It is ironic that dakshina, or â€Å"bride-groom’s† price, was never deemed objectionable to the Brahma form, despite its similarity to bride price. 32]In any event, the system of dowry spread throughout the Southern regions of India and a new status asymmetry was introduced among the dowry paying castes. To that extent, the South became much like the North and the modern day dowry system has widely replaced the institution of bride-price. 2. Increase in Access to and Emulation of Higher Castes The successful replacement of bride-price by dowry may be attributed to the fact that dowry became associated with prestige as a consequence of preference by the higher caste groups. The key to the increase in dowry-giving throughout the regions of India may be that lower caste groups desired to emulate and aspire to the system of dowry as a way of following the example of the higher caste groups. Consequently, this may also explain the concomitant increase in the dowry phenomenon and resulting bride burning. It was not until the last few decades that emulation such as this has become a relatively new phenomenon. It has been noted that while both bride-price and bride-groom price, i. e. owry were followed in castes with an internal hierarchy, in the past, the dominant castes did not allow emulation by the lower castes. This sharp increase in emulation has been attributed to improved economic conditions and increased education, as well as greater access to the organized sector. Furthermore, since the time of Indian independence, increased inter-caste mixing in schools and in jobs has provided the lower groups with access to the higher groups, enabling them to obse rve their ways and adopt them. This change from bride-price to dowry has been detrimental to women and their families because the contemporary dowry system has evolved into a practice that causes financial ruin to brides’ families, endangers young wives’ lives and well-being, and lowers the status of women, as well as that of their families. Finally, because marriage in India is believed to be a necessity in order to fulfill religious duties and is required by Hindi ideology, it is out of the question not to marry off a daughter. Thus, many families who are unable to afford elaborate dowries or meet continuing demands find themselves between the proverbial rock and a hard place. Chapter 3 MODERN DAY CONSEQUENCES OF DOWRY SYSTEM Today, it is believed that the present dowry system has its origin in the twin Hindu marriage rites of kanyadan, of which stridhan was a part, and dakshina. However, to call stridhan, the presents made to the bride at or after the marriage, as a requisite part of dowry is a mistake, since it completely misunderstands the very concept of stridhan. The stridhan given to a woman at the time of marriage cannot be equated to dowry because in traditional times it was a woman’s own property that fell under her absolute power, and moreover, these items were given directly to her. Modern-day dowry is not dakshina or stridhan. It is and has always been property that has been obtained under duress, coercion, or force, and cannot be categorized as presents made to the groom or bride. The distinction between the two is that dowry is essentially property which is extorted from the bride’s family while presents or gifts are property that is voluntarily given. Furthermore, the amount of money and goods that are given in the contemporary dowry system are enormous, evolving into a few lakhs of rupees, as well as furniture, electronics, costly clothing, and jewelry. In addition, the bride’s family must pay all of the wedding expenses, including any travel and lodging needs of the groom and his party. Moreover, payment is demanded, directly or indirectly, by the groom and/or his kin. Modern-day dowry has become the property extorted from the father of the bride by the groom and his parents, and therefore cannot be considered presents given out of affection. It is an important distinction in practice that modern dowry constitutes essentially extortion while the presents of the past were given voluntarily and willingly. Thus, modern day dowry is more in line with the unidirectional flow of cash and other goods from the bride’s family to the groom’s family, whereas in the South of India the modern phenomenon of dowry is a new development. The dowry that is given in the higher caste weddings in India today, and which has permeated to the lower castes, is an entirely new phenomenon and should not be related to the traditional ideas of kanyadan and stridhan. Moreover, Vedic scholars boldly articulated that there is no reference to â€Å"dowry† in any of the Vedas or other ancient texts, thus destroying any religious sanction of the modern day practice. Nonetheless, apart from Indian society’s maintained continual religious sanctification of the modern-day dowry practice, the contemporary system has advanced due to factors such as the position of these women in the patriarchal joint family as well as their perceived subordinate position in Indian society; both of which result in a perpetual forced dependence on men and further lowers their status. In addition, the traditional custom has been warped from gifts given only at the time of marriage into a propagation of events, at any of which â€Å"dowry† is expected to be and usually is demanded. A. Cultural Shift in the Perception of the Status of Women As a result of archaic laws and evolving customs pertaining to family and property, Indian society confers power and status to males and their families; conversely, females and families with females suffer automatically from low status. However, Indian culture did not always view women is such low esteem. During the Vedic period from birth a female was treated equally with a boy. It was expected that she would be given an education and these educated girls had an effective say in the selection of their marriage partners. It wasn’t until later, beginning with the late Aryan period 300 BC that the status and role of women shifted dramatically due to increasing Brahmin influence, and women began to be viewed with decreasing status. 1. The Subordinate Position of Women in Indian Society The status of women today in Indian society is a fundamental reason why the modern-day dowry system continues to perpetuate. The change from bride-price to dowry has been identified as the major catapult in decreasing the status of Indian women. The change from bride-price to dowry was an attempt to improve the social status of a family because dowry was associated with the higher social groups. [33]As a result of this change to a hypergamous ideology where families of females are viewed lower on the status hierarchy than are families of males, a female also additionally suffers from a loss of status even within her natal family, as she is now perceived as a liability rather than as an asset. 34] From birth she is viewed as a burden because her family will have to expend valuable resources for her care and upbringing although upon marriage she will leave her family to become a member of her husband’s family, and consequently be unable to support and care for them in their old age. Further, there is the looming obligation of having to amass large quantities of money and goods so that when she is old enough to marry, her new family is sufficiently induced to take on the burden of her maintenance. For these reasons, Indians are more likely to abort a female fetus, murder female infants, and favor sons in terms of food, medical treatment, and education. The female infanticide is another effect of the dowry system in India. Medical clinics throughout the country provide amniocentesis tests to detect the gender of a fetus. [35] Those fetuses that are female are often subsequently aborted because the eventual financial burden of a woman’s dowry makes a female infant highly undesirable. Additionally, there continues to be a discrepancy in the sex ratio of the Indian population due to poor health care and nutrition for girls and women. Indeed, India is one of the few countries that have a higher population of men than women. The female-to-male ratio in India has actually decreased from 972:1000 in 1901 to 900:1000 in 2000. It is highly likely that a daughter will be fed poorly and rarely taken to a doctor when ill. Ironically, over the last century, healthcare has become widely accessible and women outnumber men in almost every other country. It would seem to follow that the higher ratio of men to women in India would mean that there should be more of a demand for women, especially in a society that considers marriage a religious obligation. However, as the tradition of dowry has grown increasingly distorted over the centuries and women are perceived as a future liability, it has led many families to prefer to have only boys. Perpetuations of customs such as dowry reduce the status of women because people view the birth of a girl with apprehension and unhappiness. Because marriage is controlled by the family groups, and a women is expected to not only obey her in-laws but also her husband, this provides for her perpetual dependence: when unmarried she is dependent on her father, after marriage she is dependent on her husband, and if widowed she is dependent on her son. Thus, due to her economic dependence and inferior social status, she suffers a great lost of self-respect, independence, and autonomy. Nonetheless, because Indian society views females as a valueless burden and because Indian marriages have essentially become business deals made for profit, Indian society implicitly sanctions the contemporary practice of dowry. Consequently, enormous pressure is placed on brides and their families, resulting in their exploitation and an increase in dowry-related violence. 2. Position of Indian Women in the Patriarchal Joint –Family The structure of Indian family life has also fostered modern development of the dowry system. The extended or joint family has prevailed in India,[36] particularly in the rural areas that constitute most of the country. Because of the dominance of the joint-family, the Hindu community is dominated by the thought that children are the property of their parents. Even after marriage, the son is expected to set a good example and obey his elders. When a woman marries in India, she moves into her husband’s home, and accordingly, she is expected to behave in a similar, if not more subservient, fashion as her husband. This provides the justification for the joint-family to assert control over the bride’s portion of the dowry, the stridhan. Thus, the new wife often finds herself at the bottom of the pecking order and is forced to bear the brunt of the labor in the house. In addition, because begetting a son is the goal of a Hindu marriage and a woman reached her highest status within the family structure in her role as a mother to a son, the family heir, the mother-in-law’s need to be in a close relationship with her son puts her in a diametrically opposed relationship with the new bride. An Indian mother’s long-term status and financial security in the joint-family depends on her son because it is he who will provide for and take of her when her husband dies. When the son marries, it is seen as a threat to her security and thus, the relationship between a daughter-in-law and mother-in-law is inherently strained because of the mother-in-law’s need to protect her source of security and power. As a result of the hierarchical structure of the joint-family, one way a mother-in-law asserts her power is via the dowry process. If she is unhappy and has not already harassed her daughter-in-law, her son will know about it, who in turn, because his loyalties lie with his mother, will harass his wife. It is ironic that the key manner that the contemporary dowry system is maintained is via these relationships between the daughters-in-law and mothers-in-law. The daughters-in-law give in and allow this system to perpetuate because they too, one day want to be and will be in the position of their mother-in-law. 134 Thus, in the absence of another source of security and livelihood, women end up supporting a system that has and continues to oppress them. Furthermore, even when women were recipients of the stridhan portion, this portion, could consist of only moveable property such as household items and jewels. These items were not considered valuable in economic terms. This is because women in India did not receive land as dowry, and land is a premium asset in a society where agriculture is the primary means of generating wealth. As a result, the inheritance of moveable property that they did receive was consequently of little material value. In the Indian joint-family, land has been the source of property and inheritance for thousands of years. As state previously, property, before the Succession Act, could only be inherited by male heirs; thus the only â€Å"inheritance† that a daughter received was her dowry. Consequently, the original concept of dowry was not an ill-intentioned one since it helped start a woman in her new home by providing amenities that would help her and her young husband in beginning a life together. Although the traditional dowry was intended to be a source of inheritance of gifts and money for the daughter, the conjugal control of a dowry interferes with the organizational power of the joint-family, especially because the new couple shares a home with the family of the groom. Given the structure of the joint-family, the dowry is of little material wealth and the Indian bride often receives little direct benefit from it. Moreover, the young couple is not free to regard the property brought by the wife as their own marital product. The conjugal estate normally comes under the control of the patriarch of the joint-family and so brides are guaranteed no control of their dowry. B. Economic Shift from the Caste System to Class Divisions within the Social Structure The institution of marriage of ancient and medieval India was most affected by the socio-political and economic changes which accompanied the establishment of British rule in India. The period of British colonialism, from the late 17th to the mid-20th century, is frequently identified as the turning point at which the dowry system developed into its modern day form. This transition to dowry represented an influential historical turn between the values of marriage as a spiritual union and marriage as an economic union. 1. Remnants from British Rule: The Impact of Capitalism One of the primary reasons why the meaning and practice of dowry has been so drastically altered is that class has replaced caste as a prominent measure of social status in modern India. The old custom has thus been transformed from a religious symbol into a vital source of income for families desperate to meet pressing social needs. [37] As a result of this transformation, the giving of dowry among Hindus is now publicly, ideologically, and morally validated even though in early times the various aspects of dowry were voluntarily performed from love and affection in accordance with the financial position of the bride’s father. With the introduction of a cash conomy into India and the post-colonial economic crisis of the 1970s, combined with the already low status of women, dowry and dowry-related murders increased, becoming a ready form of wealth procurement to be used by the groom and his family. A resulting effect was the re-definition of the social hierarchy; whereas caste formerly determined social status, class began to take precedence. Thus, the centuries-old tradition of dowry became a means for an upwardly mobile family to demonstrate their wealth and make ties among higher social groups. Instead of giving stridhan directly to the bride upon marriage, much of it began to be given to the joint-family. Moreover, the aspects of kanyadan and dakshina became entangled and came to be known as the single institution of dowry. During the period of British colonization, in order to obtain a dowry, compulsion, coercion, and force increasingly began to be used, and ultimately the majority of marriages arose from a bargaining-process. Introduction of forces such as monetization, education, and the organized sector by the British into India added to the burden on a woman’s family to improve their status. Consequently, modern dowry can be viewed as entirely the result of British rule. The British introduced a higher standard of living and a more materialistic way of life. More importantly, the British exploitation of their powerful position imposed a sense of servility, humiliation, and inferiority on the Indian people. The Indian people resented their subservience and became increasingly class conscious in their values and their way of life. Indian society became increasingly aware of the potential of money and conscious of a materialistic approach towards life. These two items coupled together, generated a demand for ready cash in addition to gifts in the marriage negotiations. Encouraged by these new cultural values of the modern world, the desire to acquire unearned wealth, under a misguided feeling that such a transaction was a blessing of God, gained legitimacy and acceptance among Hindu society. Deeply ingrained Hindu customs that emphasized moral character, honesty, and service to God ultimately became polluted by an increase in â€Å"competitive spirit, emotional compulsions, and unaccounted bribery†, values that resulted indirectly or directly by the British domination. The colonialism of India was new unnatural, element that threw the natural order out of kilter, and Indian society reacted with increased competitiveness, which ultimately revealed itself in the perversion of the old dowry custom. 2. Marriage as a Market Transaction Due to the impact of high prices on the standard of living and the longer time period over which dowry may be demanded, it has become increasingly difficult for families to spare enough money to adhere to this custom, especially given its present expectations. The amount of dowry given can either typically depend on the financial status of the bride’s family, today an element whose consideration has increasingly diminished, or on the explicit and direct demands made by the groom’s parents. It is this second and growing phenomenon that leads to the escalating dowry-related violence, and victimization of the wife and her family. Upper class families generally give ornaments, such as gold or silver, inset with costly stones, like diamonds, sapphires, or rubies. These families can also afford and do give furniture, utensils, crockery and as well as costly items such as radios, sewing machines, refrigerators, and even vehicles of transportation. Lower class families, whose income is generally less than a hundred rupees per month, give a few silver ornaments. Among these poor people, utensils and crockery are considered essential because they feel that the woman must have the kitchenware to cook food. Due to their low economic position, it is in these poorer classes that this custom has become difficult to maintain. Families will often borrow money to fulfill their desire to give more and more to their daughters. However, they then incur heavy debts that can take years to repay. Middle class families however cannot afford elaborate ornaments, and generally give ornaments of gold inset with only ordinary stones or those purely of gold. Education and an expanding economy, as well as increased government employment, have created this urban middle class. It is estimated that eighty-five percent of dowry deaths and eighty percent of dowry harassment or violence situations occur in either the middle or lower classes. Indeed, this phenomenon seems to be most prevalent in the emerging upwardly mobile middle class and the highest increases are not among the poorest but among those with middle incomes. With urbanization and pressures of a cash-based economy, dakshina is emphasized and stridhan has become less important. Dowry is seen as a replacement for the money that will be used to educate the groom so that he can then move among a higher class and later command a higher dowry. Moreover, as the groom becomes accustomed to a higher standard of living, and thus certainly have more needs for ready cash, he will come to expect that those needs will be met through dowry received upon his marriage. Furthermore, today, as opposed to Rajput times and as practiced by the Brahmins, the bride's family uses the practice of dowry to attract families of higher status and power than their own. These connections are used to enhance the status of the bride’s parents and achieve material gains. The amount of dowry that a man of a particular profession or position in life can command fluctuates just like any other market commodity. It is common knowledge that implicit price tags are attached to prospective grooms depending on their education, status, occupation, and income, as well as any other factors. For instance, men having government jobs, or being in a profession, such as CPAs and engineers, and living in cities have prestige and are considered to be in short supply, thus they can command higher dowries. Also, the higher the education of the groom and the more prestigious the profession, i. e. , doctors and lawyers, the higher the dowry demands. These potential grooms are considered such a valuable commodity that the parents of girls feel they must be competitive if they want to secure such a â€Å"commodity† for their daughter. In contrast, women are reduced to the level of chattel, to be sold or bartered away according to the whims of the men and their families. It is as if a discount sale coupon is tagged on to the brides in order to engage them in this highly competitive matrimonial market to make them more marketable. While natal families do have to bear heavy costs, for some there is some benefit in engaging in this modern dowry system. If the potential in-laws have a son who is educated, earning a salary, and moving among a wealthier group of people, the potential bride’s family may try to move their family’s position into the in-laws higher group by virtue of the daughter’s marrying into this group. Because they are outsiders and of a poorer background, they will have to offer a higher dowry to accomplish the social climb. However, once they are part of the new social group, they can demand an equally high or higher amount of dowry for their son when he marries. One might think that increasing literacy and education would reduce the effect of dowry however it has actually raised dowry demands and increased economic pressures on natal families. Families of higher-educated girls seek higher educated boys, and the higher education adds value to the boy’s worth as a market â€Å"commodity†. Thus families are hit with a dual price-tag because they not only have to pay for the higher education for their daughter, but the educated potential groom, as a more valuable commodity, can also command a higher price in the matrimonial market. Because the Indian marriage market is essentially an implicit market in bride and groom attributes, the resulting market equilibrium appears to associate a price with each match. Consequently, the amount of dowry given is often considered this equilibrium price given for a â€Å"good† match. Ironically, these are not good matches as the girl’s best interests are rarely, if ever taken into account. These marriages, rather than being the religious sacrament stipulated by the Dharmashastras, have become a commercial vehicle to fulfill materialistic needs of grooms and their families and social needs of bride’s families without ever taking into account any needs of the brides. 3. Proliferation of Events where Dowry is bestowed Dowry giving and taking in India has now come to cover many different things in different circumstances. A significant feature of dowry is that it has come to constitute an elaborate series of payments extending over a long period of time. It no longer merely means the property that a bride gets at the time of her marriage, but has been extended to include items or property given well before or long after the marriage. Furthermore, families now have more opportunities to take advantage of the dowry-giving custom. In some Indian states such as Punjab and Haryana, a pre-engagement ceremony, referred to as Thaka has become prominent. The Thaka ceremony affirms the relationship established between two families and signifies that negotiations have been initiated for a matrimonial alliance. The potential bride’s parents, along with a few close relatives, visit the home of the man to whom they expect their daughter will be shortly engaged. 185 They take plenty of sweets and fruits, and cash for the potential groom-to-be, as well as for his parents and close relatives. 186 If there is no Thaka ceremony, the first series of payments commence with the engagement ceremony and conclude with the departure of the bride to her matrimonial home. In the Hindu community, there is a formal engagement ceremony before the marriage here goods (â€Å"gifts†) are customarily given. If there are any festivals or holidays between the Thaka ceremony or engagement ceremony and the actual wedding, the bride’s parents will also send gifts to the groom’s parents. The actual day of marriage is also an obvious time when gifts will be asked for and given. Today, the arrival of the bride in her new home, a day that in ancient Indian times was a blessing for the groomâ₠¬â„¢s family to welcome their bow or daughter-in-law, today constitutes yet another situation where the bride will be expected to arrive bearing gifts. The second series of payments can persist long after the marriage, sometimes continuing for months, even years after. At the very least, throughout the first year of marriage, festive and religious holidays mark situations where the bride’s parents feel obligated to send presents, regardless of whether it is demanded by the groom’s parents. [38] Especially if the girl is pregnant, the groom’s family will also demand some gift or payment. This sending of presents is not done out of affection, but for fear of social condemnation that good dowry was not given, or out of fear that their daughter may be harassed and sent back to her natal home. In addition, these dowry demands not only place pressure on a new bride and her parents, but can also involve her entire extended family. [39] C. Violent Derailment of the Traditional Dowry System The abuse of the custom of dowry has eroded and aborted the original meaningful function of traditional dowry, i. e. , kanyadan, and the giving of stridhan and dakshina. The once intended safety net for the bride and the gift of affection for the groom has corrupted into a price-tag for the groom and a noose for the bride. No longer merely a system of giving voluntary gifts, the modern dowry system has become Indian society’s primary method for manipulating one’s family status and wealth. It is largely distinguished from the older traditional dowry system by the presence of compulsion, which is largely due to the fierce competition in the marriage market. Today, the underlying motivation behind the giving of dowry is the need of the bride’s family to improve their family standing or status. Stridhan, the classical notion prescribing a woman’s marriage wealth, has been violated in four respects in contemporary Indian society. First, any item that is transferred as stridhan along with the bride at the time of marriage, and in ancient times was given directly to her, may now be taken into sole possession by the groom and his family. Second, the groom’s parents use the stridhan portion brought by their daughter-in-law, to enhance the dowry given in acquiring husbands for their own daughters, if they have any, or for any other conceivable purpose. Third, dowry demands continue even after the marriage and can be perpetuated indefinitely, thus always being a ready source of cash and the latest materialistic goods. Finally, spouting religious meaning behind this taking of dowry, the groom’s family justify their demands; however the cash transaction requested by and ultimately given to the groom’s parents is not mentioned anywhere in the traditional Brahman dictum. In earlier times a women was not allowed to inherit property, thus the stridhan portion was meant to provide her with a share of her parental wealth. Thus â€Å"dowry† was a social means of transferring the natural rights of inheritance to a daughter via the marriage process. Thus, the original underlying motivation was to provide the bride with a pre-mortem inheritance and to overcome the restrictions of the early Succession laws. However, the Succession Act of 1956 decreed that women were entitled to inherit equally along with their brothers, thus allowing them to also inherit property. It recognized an equal right of Indian women to inherit property and for the 1st time conferred absolute ownership to her. Due to this legislation, the traditional reasons underlying the giving of stridhan, to safeguard the woman and her economic well-being, have ceased to exist. Hereinafter, a model of dowry deaths is discussed whereby various concepts pertaining to victimization of women for dowry are discussed. The model falls into two parts, the first of which, influenced by socio-cultural and victimological concepts, attempts to identify the kind of marriage arrangements that lead to a potential problem. These are groups of variables 1-9 in Figure 1. The second part of the model is influenced by routine activity and rational choice perspectives, and attempts to deal with the more dynamic aspects of the phenomenon after marriage (groups 10-14). Groups 1 and 2 cover the socio-cultural factors (patriarchal traditional society; dowry system) that provide the context for the development of dowry problems. Dowry problems frequently arise within urban, middle class families with conservative outlooks. Groups 3,4, 5 and 6 concern the kinds of family and the needs of both the husband's and wife's families before the marriage. Economic needs are important for both families. The husband's family may be trying to obtain resources through the dowry, by capitalizing on the husband's earning power. The wife's family may be trying to protect resources. The relative status of the families is also relevant, with the husband's family generally being more influential. Groups 7 and 8 deal with the personal characteristics of the wife and the husband. Wives are more likely to be victimized if they are submissive, young and less educated. Husbands are more likely to be aggressors, or to fall in with their parent's aggression, if they are weak and emotionally dependent. Husbands who are older and better educated than their wives are more likely to dominate their spouses and commit acts of violence against them. The marriage contract (Group 9) attempts to reconcile the needs of the husband's and wife's families. The kind of arrangements that appear to lead to trouble include, for example, a large dowry not paid on full at the time of the marriage and dowries with non-cash items over which disagreements arise about the quality of the goods supplied. Misunderstandings are likely to be greater if the families do not know each other well and have used a middleman to arrange to contract Group 10 deals with the living situation after marriage. In the joint family system, quarrels may center around the wife's insufficient dowry especially when the wife is unemployed and not well enough trained in housework to satisfy the husband's family. As marriages are generally arranged, the chances of incompatibility between the husband and wife are high and the probability of disputes correspondingly great. The bride's parents will generally be unsupportive because of the prevailing belief that once a girl is married her parents should not interfere in her new life, even if she comes to them for help. Even where they are supportive, they cannot come quickly to help her if they live at a distance. The risk of physical abuse is increased when the husband's family lives in a quiet neighborhood or if there are no neighbors. That bride burning is basically an urban phenomenon may be partly due to the busy life in cities neighbors tend to have little time to get involved in each other's affairs. The busy routines of urban dwellers thus leaves unguarded the defenseless young bride. Groups 11 and 12 deal with the reactions of the husband and wife after marriage. The wife's personality will affect her reaction to her marital problems. She might tolerate the harassment and mistreatment so as not to bring any shame on her parents. Since she is dependent on her husband both emotionally and economically she may completely loose confidence in herself. The fact that in many cases the husband has not chosen the wife may cause him much unhappiness because he finds her unattractive or incompatible with his friends. These feelings of frustration may fuel his demands that the wife get more money from her parents. Groups 13 and 14 deal with the husband's and wife's decision making. If pressures upon the wife became intolerable she may decide to take matters into her own hands and end her life. The husband on the other hand, as a result of dissatisfaction at work and in his married life, may have affairs with other women, get into other activities like gambling and take to alcohol or drugs. He may choose to deal with his difficulties and frustrations by plotting to kill his wife. This decision will be influenced by a perceived low risk of detection, the availability of an easy method of killing his wife, and the possibility of solving his problems by marrying some other woman with a better dowry settlement. Fig. 1 A Model of Dowry Deaths[40] Gropu Group 1 G G Group 2 Group 3 Group 4 Group 5 Group 6 Group 7 Group 9 Group 8 Group 11 Group 10 Group 12 Group Group 13 Group 14 Marriage in India, regarded as the alliance of two families, is a huge turning point in an individual’s life and should be a joyous and blessed occasion. Yet there is nothing to prevent the groom and his family from making initial exorbitant demands, continual demands, or using the dowry money as they do not see fit, nor do previous fulfilled demands guarantee that future demands will not be made. As a result, dowry deaths are a consequence of the intense competitive expansion of capitalism within an intricate web of hierarchical relations, resulting in a widening gap between the rich and the poor, intensified gender stratification, and India’s subordinate status in the world market. In this extremely competitive environment, dowry demands are one method of attempting upward mobility. The modern-day dowry system, as a perverted version of the past, leads to the impoverishment of the bride’s family, allows for the materialistic enrichment of the groom’s family, values the groom as a market commodity, and most importantly, rarely buys security and peace for the bride. Chapter 4 ILLEGALITY OF PRACTICE: INDIA’S POSITIVE LAWS On May 20, 1961, the Parliament of the Central Government of India recognized that the practice of giving and taking dowry was â€Å"evil† especially to the extent that it involved money or goods. 41] For that reason, they enacted the Dowry Prohibition Act (â€Å"the Act†) with the sole objective of eradicating the giving or taking of dowry. [42] The Indian Parliament took further steps, by amending the Indian Penal Code (â€Å"IPC†) in 1983 and again in 1986 with the Indian Evidence Act (â€Å"IEA†), and the Code of Criminal Procedure (â€Å"CCP†), to reduce the dowry murder phenomenon by criminalizing dowry related violence against women. A. The Dowry Prohibition Act of 1961 The Act does not seek to completely abolish the custom of giving gifts upon marriage but to restore the dowry system to its original traditional form and purposes. Accordingly, the statutory definitions do not include the gratuitous stridhan portion of dowry; however, these gifts must be given at the time of the marriage and not before or after. Although the generally accepted definition of dowry is the â€Å"property that a girl brings with her at the time of marriage,† the 1961 Act defined the offense of giving or taking ‘dowry’ as â€Å"including any property or valuable security given or agreed to be given, at or before the marriage as consideration for the marriage†¦Ã¢â‚¬ [43]This language, however, proved to be problematic as an effective method of prohibiting dowry. For example, in the original definition clause, the Act stated that â€Å"any present given or taken by either party, either party’s parents or by any other person directly at the time of marriage was not dowry unless it was taken as consideration for the marriage. †[44] The statute, as worded, only prohibited exchanges that were given or agreed to be given as consideration, and did not include any gifts, in the form of cash, ornaments, clothes, or other articles, given at the time of a marriage to either party. Consequently, the definition of dowry was narrowed, and any gifts given before or upon and any cash/expenditures made after the marriage, were excluded and could not be violations of the Act. As evidence of this gap in coverage, the Delhi High Court, ruled in Madan Lal Ors v. Amar Nath[45], that â€Å"property may pass hands subsequent to marriage, even months or years after it, merely to save the marriage from being broken†¦or to save the wife from harassment, Given the ineffectiveness of the language and the inadequacy of the 1961 law in decreasing the dowry phenomenon as well as in countering the increasing violence and harassment inflicted upon young women, the women’s movement in India campaigned for law reform. As a result, the Indian legislature enacted amendments in 1984 and 1986 with the intention of making the law more stringent and, therefore more effective. The 1984 amendment broadened the scope of the original act by substituting the words â€Å"in connection with the marriage† for the original â€Å"as consideration for marriage. † The definition was broadened again in 1986 to include presents given â€Å"any time after the marriage† within the definition of dowry. Furthermore, the 1986 amendment raised the minimum punishment for taking or abetting the taking of dowry to five years and a fine of 15,000 rupees. Additionally, it shifted the burden of proving that there was no demand for dowry to the person who takes or abets in the taking of dowry, made punishable by imprisonment, for a term of six months to five years, or alternatively, with a fine of 15,000 rupees, any advertisement which related to the offering of property in consideration for marriage was made punishable by imprisonment, and made bail unavailable in dowry cases. 46] As a result of the 1984 and 1986 amendments, the current Act outlaws the giving, taking, or demanding of dowry, which it defines as any property or valuable security given or agreed to be at, before, or after the marriage in connection with the marriage. [47] Thus, the Act provides greater room for the exercise of judicial discretion in declaring a larger range of â€Å"giving† as dowry. Nonetheless, even g iven the expansion of the definition of dowry, the current Act has been widely criticized for being ridden with â€Å"legal loopholes. For example, the Act prohibits dowry but allows the giving of gifts at the time of the marriage. Moreover, the definitions do not clearly define the terms â€Å"consideration,† â€Å"gift,† or â€Å"present,† making it difficult to determine what constitutes consideration and how that differs from a gift. Matters are further complicated by the Act’s use of the word â€Å"dowry† to describe not only what the bride’s parents give to the groom or to their daughters-in-laws but also what the groom’s parents give to the bride and their sons-in-laws. Consequently, the charge of â€Å"dowry† can be easily avoided by offering the items or cash carefully as a gift so as not to invoke any characterization of the property as compensation. To counteract the ambiguity of this language, yet not proscribe the giving of gifts altogether, some have suggested imposing a limit on the aggregate value of such gifts. [48] However, others have agued that this is just as impractical for essentially the same reason that the Act remains unenforceable: corruption is the norm. 225 As a result of the vagueness and under-inclusive nature of the statutory language, the Act still remains argely ineffective. Thus, Indian families can continue to demand dowry money without fear of reprisal. In practice, states may amend the statute if they wish, without restriction for instance by including explanations and definitions for certain terms in their local version of the statute. For example, the state of Haryana amended the Act by widening the definition of dowry. The definition included any marriage expenses incurred directly or indirectly at or before the marriage or in connection with any of the Thaka, Sagai, Tikka, Shagan, and Milni ceremonies. 49] Moreover, unlike the federal act, any gifts to either party in the form of cash, ornaments, clothes or other articles are also considered dowry. [50] Further many state statutes, unlike the Act, have imposed upper limits on the amount of marriage expenses and presents that are allowed to be given. Haryana further prohibited any marriage expenses that were greater than five thousand rupees, restricted the marriage party to twenty-five members and the band to eleven members. Finally, while states have the power to amend, it should also be noted that the states are not required to incorporate any federal amendments made to the Act; For example, when federal amendments were added to the Act in 1984, Haryana did not incorporate these into its state act. B. Additional Corresponding Legislation In 1983, the Indian Penal Code, the Indian Evidence Act, and the Indian Criminal Procedure Code were changed simultaneously to deal more effectively not only with dowry-related deaths, but also with cases of cruelty against married women. The 1986 Amendment to the Act also proposed the new offence of â€Å"dowry death† to be created in the Indian Penal Code as well as any other corresponding legislation. 1. Indian Penal Code In 1983, Parliament amended the Indian Penal Code to outlaw dowry related cruelty by the husband or his relatives by enacting  § 498-A as part of the Criminal Law Act (â€Å"Criminal Act†). [51] The Criminal Act created the offense of cruelty, and provided for the punishment of a husband or his relatives if they harass a woman in order to coerce her to meet any unlawful demand for property. Additionally,  §306 created the offense of â€Å"abetment to suicide† hich provided that anyone who instigates another to commit suicide will be liable for abetting the commission of a suicide when the suicide results from such instigation. Further, in 1986, a new offense of â€Å"dowry death† was created under IPC  § 304-B[52], allowing for an irrefutable presumption previousl y unknown to Indian jurisprudence. It provides that when a woman’s death occurs under questionable circumstances and it is proved that she was subjected to dowry-related cruelty or harassment, it shall be presumed that the husband or any of his relatives committed the offense of dowry death and caused her death. Moreover, it stated that the minimum punishment for committing dowry death was imprisonment of a minimum of 7 years to life. The Judicial Response The attitude of the judiciary at the apex level has -been in favor of women, the crux of which can be condensed to Justice Mohan's judgment in Panniben vs. State of Maharashtra:[53] â€Å"Every time a case relating to dowry death comes up it causes ripples in the pool of conscience of this court. Nothing can be more barbarous, nothing could be more heinous than this sort of a crime †¦Ã¢â‚¬ ¦ † 2. Indian Evidence Act Corresponding to IPC  § 306 via the Criminal Act, the Indian Evidence Act already contained provision 113-A[54] that raised a presumption of an abetment to suicide against the husband or his relatives if the wife commits suicide within a period of seven years and if there is evidence that she had been subjected to cruelty as defined in IPC  § 498-A. However, in 1986, the IEA was further amended with  § 113-Bto allow for the corresponding IPC provision of  § 304-B.  §113-B creates the presumption of dowry death where a women has been subjected to cruelty or harassment for dowry soon before her marriage. The 1983 Amendment Act also inserted Section 113-A in the Indian Evidence Act which raises presumption as to abetment of suicide by a married woman. It lays down that when the question is whether commission of suicide by a woman had been abetted by her husband or any relative of her husband, and it is shown that she had committed suicide within a period of seven years of marriage from the date of her marriage, that her husband or such, relative of her husband had subjected her to cruelty, the court

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Variable Costing and Samanta Shoes - Research Paper Example Transportation costs are directly proportional to production cost. Transportation of raw materials from one area will affect the shoe price. Materials that are outsourced from remote locations will, therefore, increase the price of the shoe. Research and development costs are directly proportional to the production cost of shoes. Increased research and development will lead to higher shoe prices. Manufacturing of new shoes based on intensive research will also lead to increased shoe prices. 2. Founders’ decision making is mainly influenced by the variable costing method that is mainly affected by production levels. Variable costs are directly proportional to production levels. Absorption costing allows incomes to increase as production levels rise. Use of absorption costing by the management artificially inflates the incomes of the company (Horngren, Datar, & Rajan. p 45). Absorption costing in the period of production depicts that fewer costs are incurred and more income for the

Sex, Violence and Transgression Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 2000 words

Sex, Violence and Transgression - Essay Example In some instances, violence occurs in relation to sex. This is mostly in instances of rape and any other sexual harassment (Fausto-Sterling, 2000). This essay will look at sex, violence and transgression with representation of violence from news media and analyze them. The modern culture is obsessed with sex and sexuality while there are still too many social pressures around sex. Some of these pressures are how to wear and what fashion trends to follow, how to raise and school your children and whom to befriend. These pressures affect people since everyone wants to accepted and fit in the society as a unique person. The study of sexuality encompasses an array of social activities, an abundance of behaviors, series and societal topics. Biologically sexuality involves sexual intercourse and contact. It also involves the psychological aspects in relation to medical related concerns. Being the main force conditioning human relationship, sex is essentially political. The construction of a sexual universe is fundamentally linked to the structures of power in any social context. Construction of sexual meaning is a means through which social institutions manage and shape relationships among human beings. Body Today s’ sexual behaviors have increased regardless of age or gender. Our cultures no longer respects sex as a power capable of producing human life instead to many, sex is not taken seriously and is used for the purpose of entertainment. Trivializing sex leads to loss of value in marriage, this degrades women and their families. Use of contraceptives has destroyed the family and society as well. Once divorced from the aspect of reproduction, any type of sexual union can practice marriages legal perquisites. Many girls are giving themselves away to gain things a child craves, and it will be years before they know what they have done to themselves. Once these girls are married for the purpose of having children they came to understand that life is a sacrifi ce, fulfillment was not part of their vocabulary. Sexual activity among youths and under children can bring serious consequences. Unfortunately, the recently long term trend in sexual activity among youth has not been promising (Monro, 2005). The rates of sexual activity have increased. About twenty percent of more males and females are having sex today by 18 than the earlier 1970s. Research shows that most of people who engage in sex are between ages 12 -10. About half of both boys between ages 12 -19 have not had sex. The increase of sexual activities among teenagers has led to an increase in teen birth rate, school drop –out rate and high level of poverty in the society. Adolescents who initiate themselves in these health risk behaviors’ of sexual intercourse and substance abuse such as contraceptives at an early age have poor health in their adult life. These adolescents achieve low in education and do not contribute adequately to society. There is also a big gap o f age difference between young girls and their first sex partners. The younger a girl is during her first sexual intercourse the higher the average age difference between her and sexual partner. This is also related to the number of sex partners she will have in her teenage life. This leads to teenage pregnancy due to lack of proper sex education (Connell, 2002). Non- voluntary and unwanted sex is particularly commonly among very young girls. This becomes a trouble to the

Answer exam questionA Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Answer exam questionA - Essay Example This notion postulates that the nuances of HRM and the applicability of its associated theories vary drastically on a cultural basis (Brewster et al. 2011: p2). Therefore, the pivotal significance of cultural observations in international management practices not only extends to the appreciation of national culture and its impact on business operations but also to the aspect of managerial behaviour (Crawley et al. 2013: p76). In assessing the impact of an understanding of culture and cultural difference on the behaviour of a western manager assuming an executive position at a non-western organization several factors must be examined. The commencement of managerial roles in an unfamiliar national culture is welcomed by cultural shock which may result in a failure to meet objectives and goals that accompany the position (Crawley et al. 2013: p77). However, a thorough comprehension of culture implies that a manager’s attitude towards colleagues would be marked by respect, sensiti vity, consideration and an understanding of critical aspects such as religion, ethnicity and race when managing a diverse workforce (Crawley et al. 2013: p77). More importantly in the context of the example under discussion, the assignment of a western manager within a non-western organisation presents the challenges of unique role demands posed by cultural factors. In this scenario, an effective understanding of role demands assists both managerial behaviour and performance (Dowling 2008: p193) given the existence of role clarity in defining what is expected of the individual within the organization (Dowling 2008: p194). While, it is important for a western manager to recognize the significance of specific characteristics related to cultural differences when performing his duties at a non-western organization, it is the successful application of relevant leadership theories that lies at the core of effective HRM. The contemporary leadership theories that have been applied by resear chers on assessments of culture and cross-cultural examinations are that of transformational leadership and charismatic leadership. An investigation into the Global Leadership and Organizational Behaviour Effectiveness (GLOBE) proposed that the relationship between manager behaviour and cultural implications in Indian organizations was such that workers favoured charisma and action orientation in an ideal leader (Robbins 2001: p389). This observation implies that a western manager having extensive information about culture and cultural differences would adopt the characteristics of a charismatic leader, as research shows that charismatic leaders can be made (Robbins 2001: p374). Additionally, formulating a vision, a clear long-term strategy and achievable yet inspiring goals are constituents of successful charismatic leadership. Furthermore, it is understood that characteristics of Indian culture include collectivism and the adoption of a humane approach. Therefore, the managerial b ehaviour of a western executive must integrate the attributes of transformational leadership by inspiring workers through communication of goals and the provision of personal attention, coaching and advise (Robbins 2001: p377. The latter is an indication of respect, understanding, sensitivity and consideration which is much valued in non-western nations such as India. In conclusion, an extensive comprehension of culture is a factor that is highly favourable for a manager who is

Asseing Cultural History Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Asseing Cultural History - Essay Example This essay will address the role of gender orientation, social skills and individualism vs. Collectivism degree in learning process and cultural belief of an individual Moreover, the essay will summarize the importance of history in shaping an individual’s culture. Cultural dimension theory of Hofstede is an important cross-cultural communication framework, proposed and established by Greet Hofstede. This specific framework describes the effect of culture of a society on the human values. There are six different dimensions in this framework. Individualism vs. Collectivism can be considered as an important dimension among those six dimensions. This plays an important role in shaping cultural beliefs of an individual. This is the measure to which the social individuals are integrated into a particular group. People of European countries rank high in this list. On the other hand, people of Asian countries rank low in this list. People of Western countries believe in individual goal development, activities and achievement. On the other hand, people of Asian countries believe in collective work, collective performance and group achievements. It is the cultural trend, family orientation and family environment of individual that drive them towards specific approaches. Two different family structures can be identified in this world, such as joint family and nuclear family. The concept of joint family can be identified in Asian countries. On the other hand, the concept of nuclear family can be identified in several western countries. In joint families, family members used to take decisions collectively. On the other hand, in nuclear families, the head of the family used to take individual decision (Ibro scheva & Ramaprasad, 2008). These specific cultural orientations and guidelines are also followed by people in workplaces and several social institutions. Therefore, it can be stated that the degree of individualism vs. Collectivism

Piezometers( to measure the water table to monitoring landslide) Essay

Piezometers( to measure the water table to monitoring landslide) - Essay Example Appropriate design of drainage system is possible only if the water flow pattern within the rock mass is understood; and for this purpose, the measurement of hydraulic conductivity and water pressure are carried out. Piezometers are used for measuring water pressure within a slope in order to control the stability of the slope by drainage. Piezometers are devices that are sealed within the ground, generally in boreholes. They respond only to ground water pressure in the immediate vicinity and not to ground water pressure at other locations. Piezometers can also be used to measure the in situ hydraulic conductivity of rock masses, using variable head tests (Wyllie et al, 2004: 120). The purpose of this paper is to discuss the role of piezometers in preventing landslides, identify the different types of piezometers, examine the advantages and disadvantages of each type of piezometer, compare the type of soil that they can be used in, and their applications. Piezometers measure groundwater pressures, which is useful for â€Å"effective stress stability analyses of landslides and to observe the variation of pore pressure vertically in the landslide† (Cornforth, 2005: 82). Certain factors have to be taken into consideration when planning a piezometer installation to measure water pressures in a rock slope. It is important that the drill hole should intersect the discontinuities in which the ground water is likely to be flowing. For example, the hole should intersect the persistent beds in sedimentary rock which has low persistence joints. Zones of fractured or sheared rock should be located for positioning the completion zone of the piezometer, since ground water flow would be more concentrated in these areas. The length of the completion zone in rock is usually longer than in soil, because of the requirement to intersect discontinuities. Fault zones are geological features; if they contain crushed rock

Business & Markets In A Global Environment (Assessment 1 ) Case Study

Business & Markets In A Global Environment (Assessment 1 ) - Case Study Example ve to take into consideration the importance of having an interconnected society that allows for quick movements across the world, and consider investments across the divide. The dissemination of knowledge allows for easier maximization of skills and knowledge, with companies looking for different ways of outsourcing services to reduce the costs of operation and make their products affordable by all. General Motors (GM) is a global multinational automaker that has remained at the top of the industries for several decades. The increasing globalization continues to boost its presence and the growth of its market share is a key evidence of its presence in the global market. Globalization, therefore, is an effective way of understanding the merits and demerits of dealing with increased connectivity across the world. GM continues to take advantage of globalization by making use of its subsidiaries to produce its vehicles at a cheaper price. The aim is to create a platform where the company can reduce its operating costs, increase its manufacturing ability, and increase the number of units sold annually. This has made the company look for different means of outsourcing cheaper skills yet effective in meeting its ultimate goals of being a quality automaker in the world (Dunne, 2011). Its branches across the world all have their different aims and objectives, and that provides different attributes that ought to take the center stage during each manufacturing process. The needs of the locals must be met to make the company a favorite amongst its core producers. Headquartered in Detroit, Michigan, GM has been in existence since 1909. It continues to provide the world with a variety of automobiles from its facilities. It has expanded its brands to thirteen with production in 37 countries, and owning majority stakes in a myriad other companies across the world. This has made it one of the largest companies in the automobile industry, serving as a designer, a manufacturer,

Chicken Ala Carte Essay Example for Free

Chicken Ala Carte Essay Thousands of people die every day due to hunger and malnutrition. This short film shows a forgotten portion of the society. The people who live on the refuse of men to survive. What is inspiring is the hope and spirituality that never left this people. It clearly displayed that hunger and poverty kicks as main problem of the society and some people are too blind to see it. The videography of the film was too shaky and some parts are blurry. This is actually effective for me as for the fact that it is a documentary and it made me feel like I am in the real setting of the event. Another element is the actors in the film. They portrayed their roles truly and they were really convincing which made the film so sympathetic and melancholic. The songs used in the later part of the film also added to the mood. The setting of the film was very dirty and crowded, enough components to represent a place where poverty is happening. The kids in the squatters’ area were also good representations of hunger and malnutrition in an isolated community. The most powerful part of the story, for me, was when the father tapped his kid on his hands, which cannot wait to eat, just because he forgot to pray. This showed me that even though things are getting to worse than expected, we still have to give thanks to Him for we are blessed that we still live this life with His spirit guiding us. It also displayed to me the spirituality of a man and his faith that is strong enough to continue living their lives. Furthermore, this film made me realize that I am so blessed. Many people out there struggle for food while I can easily buy them anywhere I wanted to. I can choose where to live while they cannot because they cannot afford a concrete shelter. These people are the ones in need and we must have time to reach out for them to have their chance of having a life with comfort. In addition, I couldn’t stop myself from having sympathy for those who are on the overlooked portion of our country for they are the ones who deserve to benefit the profit our country has earned. In this kind of situation, you can’t really avoid to demand that those people should be the one our government should be focusing on improving one’s life due to the fact that since they pursue themselves to the politics, it is their duty to serve their countrymen first before anything else. Aside from scarcity, I believe education is also the key to keep away from those kinds of circumstances in life because if you are a well-educated person, you will be aware of family planning and most especially you have the capability to earn money and buy foods in order for you and your family to survive.

Risk Factors for Solitary Seizures

Risk Factors for Solitary Seizures DISCUSSION The aim of this study is to find out the underlying risk factors involved in recurrence of solitary seizure in patient with normal neuroimaging, in patients in whom treatment is not initiated. This will help to guide the patients who are at risk for recurrence. After the detailed history and clinical examination, laboratory and electroencephalogram and imaging, we analyzed the similarities and differences which will help in making conclusions from this study. Comparisons were done with other studies conducted related to this study. In present study total number of 110 cases from OPD (Medicine) and those admitted in wards, Command hospital, southern command, Pune with history of solitary seizure was taken after satisfying the inclusion criteria. In a study by Mussico24 in 2002, subjects less than 25years constituted 48% as compared to 50% in present study i.e 55 cases were < 25 years. Mean age at the time of seizure was 32 years in study of Von Donselaar23 in 2000 and 24.8 years in the study of Mussico24. The mean age at the time of seizure in our study is 29.62 years. The youngest patient was of 18 year and the oldest patient was 70 year old. Hopkins25 in 1998 conducted a study in which most frequent age range was 16-29 years. . This is similar to result of Von Donselaar23 (2000) concluded from his study of subjects who are 20 years or more, in which the most frequently affected age group is 30 years. Study regarding duration of new onset seizure showed that out of 60 cases, 38 cases (63.33%) had seizure for 10 Min. Mean duration of seizure was 5.11 min in our study as compared to 6.23 min in a study by Bernal B, Altman NR58 (2003). Maximum patient (30 cases; 60%) had seizure duration less than 5 min which is similar to the study done by Benbadis SR 59et al. (1995). Male to female ratio is 11:1 in present study. Annegers26 (1996) and Bora27(1995) found a slight preponderance of female cases in their study. Many authors(Von Donselaar23 2000, Mussico24 2002, Hopkins40 1998) report a mild to moderate preponderance of males in their studies. Imaging was done in all 110 cases. It was abnormal in 34 cases (31%) and normal in 76% cases. In patients with with abnormal neuroimaging, antiepileptic treatment was started and remaining cases were followed up for 12 months for recurrence. Bernal B, Altman NR58 (2003) found 37% CT head abnormality in patients presented with single seizure. Wallace60 (1974) conducted a study in which imaging revealed abnormality in 51 out of 132 subjects (38%). But reports in various study varies from 19% (Young34 et al 1982) to 51% (Rogel Ortiz50 F, 2006). CT was diagnostic in 34% case of generalized seizure shown in study by Scolloni Lanzurri G72 (1977) In present study, abnormal EEG was seen in 14 cases (12.73%) out of 110 cases. A Berg and D. Bettis et al98 (2000) found abnormal EEG in 42% of cases of singles seizure during post ictal period in their study. In study done by Van donselar 23(2000), EEG found epileptiform discharges in 29% subjects. In present study, all patient with abnormal EEG or imaging were started on antiepileptics and remaining patient with normal EEG/ imaging were not given antiepileptic treatment (60 cases) and followed up for 1 year for recurrence. Risk factors were studed in recurrence and non recurrence group. Various risk factors such as family history of seizures, childhood convulsion, past history/ evidence of tuberculosis, developmental delay, history of alcohol intake, head injury and sleep deprivation, abnormal neurological examination were studied and were compared with different studies. Family history was present in 3 cases (5%) out of total 60 cases which were followed up in our study, out of 3 cases(5%) with family history of seizure, 1 case has shown recurrence, while Shinnar S and Berg AT 41(1998) found positive family history in 5% of cases which is similar to our study. History of developmental delay was present in 2 cases (3.3%), and history of febrile convulsion were present in 4 cases (6.67%) among the untreated follow up group. Annegers26 (1996) and Bora27 (1996) have shown that neurologic deficit from birth was more common in association with seizure in males as compared to females in their studies. . 3 cases (5%) had history of Alcoholism. (Alc E 1997) shown that alcohol use has been to be a powerful risk factor for a first generalized tonic clonic seizure. Out of 60 cases which were followed, 24 cases had one or more of the above mentioned risk factor. Out of these 24, 4 cases recurred ( 17 %). While in patients without these risk factors i.e in 36 cases only 6 % cases (2 cases) recurred. Hence, presence of these risk factors increases the rate of recurrence in cases of single seizure. American College of Emergency Physician Policy (2004)38 also state that rate of recurrence is more in those patent who has one or more of these risk factors and should be treated with antiepileptic treatment irrespective of CT head and EEG. Out of total number of 6 recurrence, 1(16.7%) occurred within 7 days, 3 (50%) occurred within next 21 days of first seizure, 1 (16.7%) occurred within 1 to 3 months of first seizure. Hence, risk of recurrence decreased with passage of time. Scotoni49 et al (1999) and Das46 et al (2006) has also reported recurrence rate to be much higher in first three months. Rate of recurrence was 10 % in our study i.e. out of 60 patients with solitary unprovoked seizure with normal neurological examination and normal neuroimaging which were followed up for 12 months, 6 cases has shown recurrence, and almost all cases recurred in first 3 months. In previous studies done, rate of recurrence varied from 16% to 71 % (Treinman DM55, 1993), but follow up duration was different. In a study by D. Chadwick48 et al (Lancet 2006), recurrence rate was 21% in follow up of 1 year, most cases recurred within 3 months which is comparable to our study. Scotoni AE et al49 (1999) conducted the study rate of recurrence was 18%, duration of follow up was 6 months in this study. Out of 60 untreated cases 6 (10.0%) had recurrence in next 12 month. 3 cases in 18-25 age group (10.34%),1 cases in 26-35 age group (5.88%),1 case in 36-45 age group (12.50 %),0 case in 46-55 age group and 1 case in >55 age group(50.0%) had recurrence. In study by Mussico 24(2002) in which less than 16 years age group has double the recurrence risk of seizure as compared to 16-60 years age group. 6/ 60 cases had recurrence out of which 4 cases were male and 2 were female, total cases in male group were 55 and in female group were 5, hence recurrence rate was 7.3% in male and 40% in female. This sex difference in our study is due to cases were taken in military hospital, male population is more In study by D. Chadwick 18et al (2006), sex difference in recurrence and non recurrence group was not very significant. Study regarding duration of new onset seizure showed that out of 60 cases, 38 cases (63.33%) had seizure for 10 Min. The mean duration of seizure in recurrence group was 8.17 Â ± 4.44 min as compared to 4.7 Â ± 3.0 min in non recurrence group. Incidence of seizure recurrence is more in patients with longer duration of seizure. Duration of seizure at initial presentation was 10.1 + 5.2 min in the recurrence group and 6.5 + 4.1 min in the non recurrence group in a study by Das C.P.46 et al (2006). Martinovic and Jovic et al 51(2004) conducted a study in which the mean duration of seizure was 26.4 min in recurrence group and 4.6 min non recurrence group in a study. In one of 6 patients(16.6%) in recurrence group, family history of seizure was present compared to study conducted by Das46 et al (2006) and Hauser 43 (1998) repoted that sibling affected with epilepsy is a risk factor for recurrence of seizure in patients with solitary seizure. In our study, history of alcohol intake was present in 16.6% cases in recurrence group as compared to 3.70 % in non recurrence group which is same as those of alcohol and epilepsy study group (1997). Earnest and Feldman et al61 (1988) found similar results history of alcoholism in 12% of recurrent cases after single seizure.

The Media Discourse Of Youth Subcultures Media Essay

The Media Discourse Of Youth Subcultures Media Essay The cultural universe of young people is a complex and dynamic one (White, 1999) and there has always been a tendency among youth researchers to investigate the significant social changes that are being revealed through the experiences of contemporary youth (Leccardi Ruspini, 2006). Some of the earliest sociological researches on youth can be linked to the emergence of new forms of consumptions and distinct youth cultures that began to rise in the late 1950s. The changes in youth at this era were highly visible through music and fashion the young populations were consuming. This was viewed both as a result of the increase time available for leisure and personal resources (Leccardi Ruspini, 2006) as well as an attempt to create some symbolic meaning for self (White, 1999). In times of high unemployment where youth were caught in between the ideology of spectacular consumption promoted by the mass media and the traditional ideology of capitalism and the meritocratic work led to a pro liferation of empirical studies across a wide range of diverse issues from homelessness to unemployment, youth crime to street gang violence that engages in research relevant to both empirical and theoretical matters in order to stretch the conceptual boundaries in the contemporary society (White, 1993). Youth subcultures can be viewed as a response to the interaction between these different areas. This response is seen by some as an identity seeking reaction between resistance to consumerism created by the production based Puritanism and the new hedonism of post war consumption (White, 1993). This paper looks into the contemporary youth subcultures and the media discourse used in the representation of these subcultures. It is argued that such negative representations of youth subcultures would result in the popularization and re enforcement of activities rather than limiting or controlling such deviant behaviors and thereby confirming the labeling of a demonized and at risk youth groups. Further, the reports supports the idea that the media interventions in crime and social problem areas can lead to misplaced reactive political resources in mythic rather than real social problem areas resulting in amplified and exacerbated social problems generating moral panics (White, 1999). A culture can be defined as designs for living that constitute peoples way of life (Macionis Plummer, 2008:128). The five components of culture identified by Macionis and Plummer (2008: 130) include; symbols, language, values, norms and material culture. Culture has several, often contradictory meanings that carries ambiguity that can be traced in its different uses throughout history (Brake, 1985). While the classical perspective views culture as a standard of excellence (high culture), others view culture as a way of life which expresses certain meanings and values attached with a particular way of life known as the low culture'(Williams, 1961, p. 57). It is this conceptualisation of low culture that is central to the development of subcultures as an analytical concept (Brake, 1985). Subcultures can be defined as a cultural pattern that set apart some segment of a societys population (Macionis Plummer, 2008: 139) or a social group which is perceived to deviate from the normative ideals of adult communities (Thornton, 1995: 2). The earliest use of subcultural theories within sociology can be linked to its application as a subdivision of a national culture (Lee, 1945; Gordon, 1947). Culture in this context was viewed as learned behaviour with emphasis on the effects of socialisation within the cultural subgroups of a pluralist society (Brake, 1985). In most of the Western world, studies of youth subcultures have been dominated by a tradition associated with the 1970s work of the Centre of Contemporary Cultural Studies, University of Birmingham, England (Thornton, 1995). The Birmingham subcultural studies tend to banish media and commerce from their definition of authentic culture seen media and commerce as incorporating subcultures into the hegemony and effectively dismantling them (Hedbige, 1978). Chicago School sociologists on the other hand were concerned on researching empirical social groups by taking precedence over their elaboration of theory and were mainly focused on the shadier recesses of polite society (Nayaka, 2003:14 in Thornton, 1995). This report will look at subcultures as cultures that are labelled directly or indirectly by the media with a problematic authenticity and as media and commerce integral to the authentication of its cultural practices. Supporting this, A.K. Cohen states that a major determinant of s ubcultures among the youth as what people do depending upon the problems they contended with (Cohen, 1955, p.51). Cultural theorists argue that what it means to be young should be seen in the context of its cultural significance indicating that it is the context of cultural significance that makes been young so distinctive and not the structural focus of society (Alan, 2007). That is, the context the youth are exposed to and the issues that their exposures carry play a significant role in the construction of a youths culture. When understanding the conflicts surrounding young people and the way they use public space, the media plays a central role by constituting and shaping the principal form of the public sphere and by gathering and distributing important public information (Thompson, 1994 in Sercombe, 1999). One may argue that there is no certain measure of the direct effects of media coverage on the public. However, there are often negative and powerful cultural effects of media produced by the constant flow of its commercialized imaginary fictions and stereotypical coverages that socially construct a moral and narrative set of offerings upon which the youth attempt to build their identities on (White, 1993). Not only in building identities, the youth tend to use these social constructions by the media also as a measure for their achievements and personal worth by simply deriving an identity from a set of meanings drawn on the basis of media constructed stimulations instead of their local experiences (Baudrillard, 1983). It is important to note that the notion of identities are constructed across and by differences, and the social construction of youth identities though historically varied is tightly bound with the media representations made available at the time (White,1999). Therefore, we can argue that media is a critical component of the development and maintenance of the representation of young people which often feeds into the fears and negative attitude surrounding the presence of young people in public space as problematic or threatening (Sercombe, 1999). Moral panics in relation to youth music and subculture are not uncommon in the news and other media (Goode Ben-Yehuda, 2008, pp. 124-145, in Phillipoy 2009). Most cities in Australia like many other cities around the world housed for a large number of subcultural activities ranging from skateboarders occupying the steps and benches in the Melbourne streets to Goths congregating the inner city suburbs (Gelder, 2007). It also has a number of drag night clubs, gay and lesbian bars, a remarkable graffiti subculture; in which Melbourne has been claimed as a stencil graffiti capital (Smallman Nyman, 2005). Australia has several times witnessed its teenage subcultures clash in the streets; like the Mods and Sharpies in August 1966 (Sparrow Sparrow, 2004: 73-77). Stan Cohens classic Folk Devils and Moral Panics (1980) and the centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies Policing the Crisis (Hall et al. 1978) both indicate how mainstream media contributes to the public anxiety about youth subcultures and youth groups that are deemed to be deviant. Cohen, in his work looks at the development of conflict between mods and rockers, in a British seaside town, and particularly the escalation of conflict that arose as a result of the medias representation of these events. He argues that the media were responsible for amplifying the perception of deviance arising from a few of small-scale disturbances, which ultimately led to an escalated interventions from the police and judiciary, with the demonization and over-typification of young people involved in the mod or rocker styles. Similarly in Australia Cunneen et al. 1989, carried out a study on the disturbances at the Bathurst motorcycle races concluding that it was the over representation of the small di sturbances that led to the large scale conflicts and that the press concentrated on authority opinion while sensationalizing the material published (Cunneen et al., 1989). When analysing the literature published on the media representations of youth and youth subcultures it is evident that communications media create subcultures in the process of naming them and drawing boundaries around them in the act of describing them (Thonrton, 1995). The way media is inextricably involved in the meaning making and organization of youth subcultures will be discussed through the analysis of the representations of many recent incidents related to youth subcultures, particularly the ravers, Goths and emo subcultures. The rave subculture emerged worldwide in the late 1980s as a musical subculture and was a phenomenon in the area that attempted to invert the traditional rock n roll authenticity by remixing and creating a cutting edge disk culture with a warehouse party format and was established in Chicago, Detroit and across Britain (Thornton, 1995:4). Soon groups of young people were clustered in sites conventionally aligned with musical performance to listen and dance to electronic dance music played by djs in Sydneys alternative rock scene Unlike other musical subcultures such as alternative rock scene where performances generally took place in formal environments such as pubs and clubs the raves in Australian cities began to use spaces such as old warehouses, factories and train stations for their activities (Gibson Pagan, 2006). Since the late 1980s rave culture worldwide has increased their members and was diversified and fragmented in many aspects becoming more contradictory with various s ubcultures emerging such as the Doofs, Drum and Bass and Happy hard core. Mean while controversies and public moral panics were starting to generate over the diverged more politicized illegal party culture that were shifting itself from the mainstream (Gibson Pagen, 2006). Associations were made between these part scenes and illegal drugs such as ecstasy by the media providing the basis for a moral panic. Ravres were described as new age hippies where their activities summed up to no sex, but drugs and rock roll (Sun Herald, 15/1/1995:1995,121). Dance parties in Sydney eventually became associated with tropes of youth deviance and illegality making the rave space in the public consciousness as a site beyond the domain of mainstream, and thereby causing strong reactions from the public and a need for increased control over their events (Gibson Pagen, 2006). A major shift in the perception of the public of youth subcultures could be related to the ecstasy related death of teenager A nna Woods from Sydney at an Apache party in 1995. Her death was magnified within the media creating an unprecedented wave of media attention and public panic. With headlines such as Ecstasy agony and Ecstasy secret world running on the front pages for nearly two weeks, dramatically altering not only the rave culture but the perception of youth subcultures as a whole (See Sydney Morning Herald, 26/20/1995:1,4). The initial response of sympathy by the public to the incident soon turned into fear and anger that progressed from tension and social anxiety to a full blown social and political crisis (McRobbie, 1994) with scapegoating not only the ravers but creating fear against many youth subcultures (see Daily Telegraph, 25/10/1995:415). The death of Anna was interpreted as a symptom of the malaise affecting many young Australians (Daily Telegraph, 5/11/1995:8), with the NSW state government taking actions to close down clubs and bars which have promoted drugs in parties (Gibson Pagen, 2006). For a few months in 2007, the dangers of Emo and computer use were significant themes in many Australian newspaper coverages (Phillipoy, 2009). Emo is an abbreviation of the terms emocore or emotional hardcore which is a musical sub-genre of punk rock music, characterised by emotional or personal themes. They adopt a look that includes black stovepipe jeans, dyed black hair and side-parted long fringes, which might merely have been one of the many tribes (Bennett, 1999) that characterise this contemporary youth culture(Phillipoy, 2009). Following the deaths of Melbourne teenagers, Jodie Gater, Stephanie Gestier and Carly Ryan in year 2007, over an approximately five months period the media portrayed the two separate incidents linking the suicide and the murder to the Emo subculture and to the social networking site MySpace, presenting both as dangerous and worrying developments in contemporary youth culture (Phillipoy, 2009). These media discourses surrounding the deaths included many features of moral panic including a build-up of concerns disproportionate to the real risk of harm (see Goode Ben-Yehuda, 2002, pp.33-41). While the emo youth were viewed as straightforward folk devil (Cohen, 1972) or the enemy, the problem of emo was also framed as a product of much broader problems of youth culture (Goode Ben-Yehuda, 2002). The connections between emo and the deaths of these young girls were tenuously published over the mass media and was seen as symptomatic of what John Hartley (1998) describes in the context of r eporting on young people more generally as a profound uncertainty in the textual system of journalism about where the line that defines the boundary of the social should be drawn by the broader groups of non-subculturaly affiliated youth. The result of this according to Phillipoy, is a cultural thinking out loud (Hartley, 1998) where broader cultural anxiety are expressed and explored that can be described as anxiety about disclosure. The newspaper coverages on the deaths focused on the dangers of young peoples disclosures that made them inaccessible to adult authority that otherwise could have prevented the tragedies. Although some of these concerns were connected to the specificities of emo subcultural expression, with excessive emotions on display and the enigma associated with subcultural imagery respectively, they were on the whole linked to a broader problem in contemporary youth culture that was seen to apply to all young people, irrespective of any subcultural affiliation. T he expressions of anxieties that the private lives of young people were becoming increasingly unknowable to adult authorities, and, hence, that youth culture itself was increasingly unknowable were popular statements made by the media (Phillipoy, 2006). Reportings such as bizarre teenage goth and emo world world constructed both as dangerous (in the sense that the apparent involvement in subcultural activities was presented as disturbing and something that put her at risk of harm) and impenetrable (in the sense that subcultural affiliations and imagery was understood not simply as harmful but also as bizarre). In conclusion, the representations of young people in the media directly or indirectly depend on the interest of the newspapers and the discourse of its source. Language used by these media allows painting young people in different colors (Sercombe, 1999) and as youth subcultures are prime fare for the news media as in terms of news value they are both exotic and familiar (White, 1993) media and youth subcultures have a complex and symbolic relationship where young people are devoted consumers and producers of media and engage with media in the approval and adaptation of subcultural forms for their own context. Therefore, many of the subcultures can be argued to be reproduced and constructed through the media (White, 1999). The mainstream media however tend to represent youth subcultures mythologically as they often attempts to represent not the real world but the world that suits the advertisers, owners and the government. This leads to the constant stereotyping, reinforcing and exa ggerating issues, particularly in relation to the youth (White, 1993). Youth was been commodified and portrayed within the media as the mindless hedonism of lost youth (Brown, 2005). They were categorized as a careless generation that was only concerned with seeking pleasure and satisfaction from personal risk taking and drug use (Brown, 2005). By constructing notions of deviance and illegality, commercial media not only position youth and youth subcultures but are implicated in defining authentic underground activities that further strengthen subcultural practices that are deemed deviant (Gibson Pagan, 2006). Therefore, it is clear that media have been and is today, a major influence in fuelling and reinforcing perceptions of problem youth. Subcultures are constructed and stereotyped by the media as deviant and the media representations linked to the issues around subcultures have created an image of uncaring, hedonistic and self centered youth (Alan, 2007). Hence, this report suggest that the media is directly or indirectly responsibility for the fuelling and reinforcing of such deviant activities that they have constructed aligned to youth subcultures and that youth subcultures are a social construction mainly influenced by the national mass media. Therefore, the national media, particularly newspapers as the most commo nly used news media has a responsibility in the a discourses that are used to represent youth groups and youth subcultures as it carries an impact on the broader youth communities worldwide.